Jahangirnama



Academic Article | Ajantha Rao

This article is directed toward the cause of investigating what the contrasting conditions of eunuchs under Emperor Jahangir and his successor Shah Jahan were. The time-period under consideration is from 1605 to 1658. It will analyze the different conditions of eunuchs during that time-period in India by comparing the situation in two regions: Sylhet (in what was then a unified Bengal), and the Mughal Court in Fatehpur Sikri and Delhi.

Eunuchs had always been a part of the Islamic rule and this trend persisted when Islamic rulers arrived in Hindustan (India). For understanding the conditions of eunuchs in the Mughal Empire, the ‘Jahangirnama’ or ‘Tuzk-e-Jahangir’, the autobiography of Emperor Jahangir, will provide first hand information about their status. The second source is ‘Storia Do Mogor or Mogul India’, as described by the Venetian historian Niccolao Manucci who visited the Mughal court during the reign of Shah Jahan.

From the 16th to the 18th centuries, the Mughals dominated South Asia, and they took their art seriously. A new show of the empire's treasures is not to be missed, argues William Dalrymple. Wheeler Thackstons lively new translation of The Jahangirnama, co-published with the Freer/Arthur M. Aashiqui 2 full movie hd 1080p. Sackler Gallery of the Smithsonian Institution, presents an engaging portrait of an intriguing emperor and his flourishing empire. The Emperor Jahangir is probably best know in the West as being the father of Shahjahan, who built the Taj Mahal.

The first source that will be analysed in this paper is the ‘Jahangirnama’ or ‘Tuzk-e-Jahangir’, the autobiography of Emperor Jahangir. Jahangir was the fourth Emperor of the Mughal Dynasty; his birth name was Sultan Salim. It changed to Jahangir on his ascension to the throne. Jahangir’s rule saw an era of peace and prosperity as well as advancement of art, architecture and literature of many subjects which received patronage from Jahangir. His memoirs begin in 1605, the year of his ascension; in 1622 there was collaboration between Jahangir and his personal assistant Mu’tammad Khan. In the 18th century, a historian named Muhaamad Hadi continued the memoir from where the text left off, after Jahangir’s death. This source is of particular importance to historians as it gives an account of Jahangir from his perspective while also providing authentic information from the ruler, which makes it a primary source of history.

Although this source has a lot of advantages, it also has a number of limitations. Firstly, this source has been written from the biased perspective of Jahangir and may not be reflective of reality, as the information may have been altered to please the emperor as it was reported to him. It purely reflects upon Jahangir as a ruler and his capabilities. Another limitation is the fact that the version that has been analysed in this essay is a translated, edited, and annotated version by Wheeler M. Thackston. During the process of translation, there can be aspects of the work either lost in translation or translated incorrectly. It may also have information edited by other Mughal officials after Jahangir’s demise. Despite these limitations, it provides an authentic insight into the workings of the Mughal government.

The second source that will be analysed in this paper is ‘Storia Do Mogor or Mogul India’ by Niccolao Manucci, written between the period 1653-1708. This source is an account of the Italian historian, physician, geographer, and explorer, Niccolao Manucci. He spent most of his life in India, particularly in the Mughal Court, and right from his arrival, documented his journey in the Empire. He begins his account from his journey to India till his audience with Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb. He documents the latter part of Shah Jahan’s reign and the beginning of Aurangzeb’s. Since he spent most of his life in India he sent his manuscripts back to Europe. He had first-hand knowledge of the court and he mentions his encounters with eunuchs during his stay. Hence, it is an important account of the Mughal reign from an outsider’s perspective.

Although it is an important primary source, it does have limitations. Firstly, there is a controversy with regard to the origin of the text. Also, there might be a bias in his work. Since the version that has been referred to in this essay is a translated version by William Irvine of the Royal Asiatic Society who was also a retired member of the Bengal Civil Service, there might be parts of the work that would be affected by this aspect.

Eunuchs or Khawaja Saras played an important role in all Islamic empires. It was not possible for a emperor to have a harem without the presence of eunuchs as protectors and guardians. It was a tradition followed by all rulers, right from the Sultanate to the Mughals. Many of the slaves were also eunuchs. At the time of the Mughal administration, eunuchs were known as Khawaja Saras or Nazirs depending on their position in court. Under the Mughals, many important eunuchs rose to the positions of Mansabdars under the administrative system introduced by Emperor Akbar in the Mughal Empire, as commanders of armies, or even governors of Subhas, as provinces are called in Urdu. This aspect showed the social acceptance that the Khawaja Saras received, as well as their growth and development.

The chief Nazirs were awarded the designation of Aitmad or Aitbar Khan, which translates to “trusted lord”, hence supporting the claim that a part of the eunuch community in the Mughal era was well-respected and loyal officers to the king. They played an integral role in governance and were key to the functioning of the harem, perhaps the largest department in the Mughal empire.

Mughal harems were very large in size as many alliances were made in the form of marriages, increasing the number of inhabitants of the harem. These members of the harems were at security risks and due to the prevailing purdah system, could not come in direct contact with any males, except their husbands. Therefore, the presence of the third sex was integral, as they were considered not have any sexual emotions towards the women and safe-guarded them throughout their lives. They were rewarded by transfers into other sectors of governance such as the army and administration. The presence of eunuchs is evident in the ‘Jahangirnama’: “The eunuch Jawahir Khan was assigned to supervision of the harem.” (Thackston 2016). He then proceeded to become more successful as seen in the excerpt “The eunuch Jawahir Khan was given the rank of 1000/300.” (Thackston 2016). This is just one of the many instances stated in the ‘Jahangirnama’ portraying the importance of eunuchs and the respect they received from the king, thus making it an important source for the topic at hand. The eunuchs were loyal to their masters and mistresses and guarded their secrets. They also smuggled men, wine and drugs into the harem according to Manucci. These closely guarded secrets made them powerful, sometimes even arrogant and conceited.

Manucci also states that the chief Nazir of the harem or Seraglio was highly venerated by the emperor and received a part of the treasury to maintain the jewels, Sarapas (robes), precious stones and linens that came in and out of the palace. He was helped by the large number of eunuchs in the palace to preserve the sanctity of the harem. They also helped the emperor in personal errands, Aitbar Khan, Jahangir’s favourite eunuch was held accountable for the activities of the rebel prince Khusraw during his incarceration. They were also trusted advisors; the eunuch Shabaz, advisor of Shah Jahan, was weary of the promises and words of Aurangzeb prior to his rebellion. Shah Jahan’s Khawaja Sara Firoz Khan, custodian of the harem, also constructed his tomb “Taal Firuz Khan” present till date in Agra, and like many other important Khawaja Saras he also contributed to the architecture of the Mughal empire.

Thus, eunuchs were a part of every sphere of governance, increasing their demand as slaves. This led to the heinous acts committed in Bengal that show the contrast in the conditions when compared to the eunuchs employed in the royal service under the Mughal empire. Thousands of adolescent men and boys were emasculated to serve as eunuchs in Muslim cities as domestic help, mainly in the harem. This practice was prominent in Bengal particularly in the district of Sylhet. This event is also recorded in the ‘Jahangirnama’ under a section titled the ‘The Eunuchs of Bengal’.

Several excerpts describe the custom of castration adopted by peasants and poor farmers who emasculated some of their sons to sell as commodities to wealthy merchants. “Little by little this custom has infected other provinces, and every year many children are ruined and castrated as the custom has gained great currency” (Thackston 2016). The ‘Jahangirnama’ describes the extent to which the custom spread and the number of young boys and men it victimized. This was a stark contrast to the plush life of the eunuchs in harems who enjoyed luxury and comforts that the harem provided. Since there was a rapid spread of the custom to meet the demands of the traders, Jahangir issued a Farman abolishing the practice but there was no significant decline in the custom. The main reason was because eunuchs proved to be more profitable than other slaves and the families of the castrated sons received almost three times the amount of money they would have for selling their sons without emasculating them before. Thus, the practice prevailed but in most cases their castration, though inhuman, proved to be more beneficial for the boys as they received better education, training and amenities than they would have if they were retained as male slaves.

Their emasculation almost compelled them to compensate in other ways, to themselves and to society as it dwarfed their masculinity, which made them loyal and devoted while proving their worth to their masters. The tradition of making eunuchs progressed under Muslim rule. If eunuchs were denied the greatest pleasures attainable in this world, they were reimbursed by sometimes performing great feats of bravery, by displaying great loyalty to the master or just by being piled with great wealth, this fact was documented by Manucci.

In conclusion, it is safe to assert that eunuchs formed an essential part of the Mughal empire and were rewarded for their efforts with great benefits. Although the practice of converting boys to eunuchs was a heinous one, it was the custom that prevailed. Eunuchs held high positions in society, were highly respected and even had direct contact with the emperor who promoted them to high posts. In fact, many reputable nobles in Jahangir’s court were Khawaja Saras. They were trusted by their masters and knew secrets never disclosed to the public. It is clear from the investigation that there are always two perspectives of the same situation, and at the peak of their success eunuchs were respected and trusted, while they also received monetary benefits, amenities and grants. Although their journey to becoming successful had a lot of difficulties starting from their emasculation, a section of this community never gave up the rage they felt towards society for its crime of denying a boy the chance to experience his masculinity. An example of such a eunuch was I’tibar Khan, who served in Aurangzeb’s court. He was appointed to harass Shah Jahan by his master. He took this job to great extents and was a shrewd, cruel individual who seemed like he would never overcome his rage. Another section accepted their situation and made the most of it as they rose through the ranks of the harem and nobles. Both aspects of this community led to their contributions in society and allowed eunuchs to receive more social acceptance. They were powerful and trusted advisors to many merchants, commanders and kings. The stark comparison and acceptance of eunuchs in society is one of the highlights of the Mughal Empire, especially in light of the harassment they face in modern society presently.

Bibliography:

N.A. N.A. Bharat Vani. Accessed October 26, 2018. http://www.bharatvani.org/books/mssmi/ch9.htm.

Niccoloa Manicci, translated by William Irvine. 1907. Storia De Mogor. Government of India.

PTI. 2008. Times of India. April 27. Accessed October 26, 2018. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Eunuchs-want-Mughal-era-role-back/articleshow/2987565.cms.

Thackston, W.M. 2016. The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India. New Delhi: Facsimile Publisher.

The author is a BA I year student at MCH

Photo Credit:Indian Defence Forum

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In this article we will discuss about the reign of Jahangir (1605-1627 A.D.) in India.

The Revolt of Khusrav (1606 A.D.):

Prince Khusrav was the eldest son of Jahangir. He was also the nephew of Raja Man Singh and the son-in-law of Mirza Aziz Koka, the two notable courtiers of Akbar. When Akbar died, both these nobles attempted to place Khusrav on the throne in place of Jahangir but as other nobles did not agree with them, they left their attempt. They accepted Jahangir as the emperor and were pardoned. Jahangir, however, kept Khusrav a semi-captive and removed Raja Man Singh from the governorship of Bengal after some time.

Khusrav was only 17 years of age. He could not forget the dream of becoming the emperor. He fled away from the fort of Agra on 6 April 1606 A.D. He proceeded to Lahore via Delhi. The strength of his followers increased to 12,000. He received the blessings of the Sikh Guru Arjun Singh. But the governor of the fort of Lahore refused to entertain him.

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Jahangir had come to know about the flight of Khusrav only after some hours of the incident. He despatched an army immediately to follow the prince and started towards Lahore himself. Khusrav turned back and fought a battle against the Imperial army at the plain of Bharowal. He was defeated and forced to fly for safety. But he was captured while attempting to cross the river Chenab. The prince was simply imprisoned at this time while his followers were punished.

In 1607 A.D., while Jahangir was coming back from Kabul to Lahore, a conspiracy was hatched to murder him. Khusrav and some other nobles were a party to it. Prince Khurram came to know about it and informed Jahangir accordingly.

Jahangir made a thorough probe of it and when he came to know of all the conspirators, he punished them. Prince Khusrav was blinded this time, though, afterwards, Jahangir arranged for his treatment and partially succeeded in recovering the sight of one eye of the prince. Khusrav, however, remained prisoner as before.

Later on, prince Khurram asked Jahangir to hand over Khusrav to him while proceeding on his Deccan-campaign. Jahangir could not say no to him and Khurram took Khusrav with him. Afterwards, in 1621 A.D., he was murdered by a hired killer at the instigation of prince Khurram.

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The revolt of Khusrav resulted in some other revolts but all of them were of a minor nature and were suppressed. But this revolt seriously disturbed the relations of the Mughuls with the Sikhs.

Jahangir imposed a fine of rupees two lakhs on the Sikh Guru Arjun Singh as he had blessed prince Khusrav. He refused to pay the fine and was punished by death by Jahangir. The Sikhs regarded it as an oppression of their religion which resulted in the beginning of bitter relations between the Sikhs and the Mughuls.

The Extension of the Empire:

Jahangir pursued the policy of the extension of the empire like his father. The conquest of north India was nearly complete during the reign of Akbar. Only some petty states and Mewar in Rajasthan could maintain their independence. But the conquest of the south was incomplete. Jahangir tried to subdue Mewar and the states of south India.

1. War and peace with Mewar:

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Rana Pratap Singh had fought against Akbar throughout his life and succeeded in keeping free larger part of Mewar except Chittor. When he died his son, Amar Singh, became the ruler of Mewar. He continued the policy of his father against the Mughuls.

Jahangir desired the submission of Mewar from the beginning of his reign and despatched prince Parwez to conquer Mewar just after his accession to the throne in 1605 A.D. Amar Singh fought an indecisive battle against the Imperial forces at the pass of Dewar. However, the Imperial forces were recalled after some time due to the emergency caused by the revolt of prince Khusrav.

In 1608 A.D., Mahabat Khan was sent against Mewar. He did not succeed much and was recalled in 1609 A.D. Then Abdulla Khan was deputed in his place. He also failed to gain any success. Rather, he was once defeated by the Rajputs at the pass of Ranpur. Abdulla Khan was also called back and, in his place, Raja Basu and Mirza Aziz Koka were sent in succession while Jahangir too moved to Ajmer in 1613 A.D. to supervise the operations.

From there, he despatched prince Khurram to subdue Mewar. The Rajputs were hard pressed, their lands were destroyed, their supplies were stopped and the Rana was forced to flee from one place to another. Ultimately, prince Karan and some other Rajput nobles advised the Rana to make peace with the Mughuls.

The Rana agreed and sent an ambassador to Khurram for settling the terms of peace. Khurram welcomed him and directed him to Jahangir. Jahangir gladly accepted the offer of the Rana and a peace was signed between the Mughuls and the Rana in 1615 A.D.

By its terms:

1. The Rana accepted the suzerainty of the Mughul emperor.

2. The Rana was not asked to enter into matrimonial relations with the Emperor and he, in place of himself, sent his son, prince Karan to the Mughul service at the court.

The Memoirs Of Emperor Jahangir

3. Jahangir restored all territory of Mewar including the fort of Chittor to the Rana on condition that the fort would not be repaired.

Thus ended the long-drawn war between Mewar and the Mughuls. The Ranas of Mewar observed this peace-treaty till the reign of Aurangzeb when Rana Raj Singh was forced to Fight the Mughuls due to their policy of annexation. The struggle of Mewar against the Mughuls occupies a most respectable place in the history of medieval India. Mewar was no match to the mighty power of the Mughul empire.

Yet, its struggle remained heroic. The prestige of Rana Khumba and Rana Sanga was well defended by Rana Pratap and Rana Amar Singh against the power of the Mughuls.

It is wrong to conclude that Rana Amar Singh compromised with the honour of Mewar by entering into a treaty with the Mughuls. Amar Singh fought the Mughuls the same way and in the same difficult circumstances as his father, Rana Pratap had fought. He succeeded in defeating the Mughul army several times.

It was only on the advice of his nobles and crown-prince Karan that he agreed for peace with the Mughuls. The terms of the treaty which he accepted were also respectable. He neither agreed to give any royal princess to the Mughuls in marriage nor to visit the royal court.

Yet, he was not satisfied after the peace, handed over the throne to prince Karan and retired to a lonely place Nau-Chauki to pass his life in peace. The peace also brought much desired relief to the subjects of the Rana.

There was no chance of any success of the Rajputs against the Mughuls. The best result which they could achieve was the defence of their honour. But for that they were paying a very heavy cost for long years.

There could not be any security or prosperity among the subjects of the Rana till the war was stopped. The Rana recovered all the territories of Mewar including the fort of Chittor and the much desired peace to his subjects by just accepting the suzerainty of the Mughul emperor.

Jahangir also proved magnanimous towards the Rana. He accepted the peace treaty on the terms which were respectable to the Rana, provided the mansab of 5,000 sawar and 5,000 zat to prince Karan, gave him huge presents and provided him the honour to seat him at his right hand in the court. No other Rajput prince was honoured by the Mughul emperor in like manner.

2. South India:

Jahangir tried to complete the conquest of south India. Akbar had made a beginning towards it. Khandesh and a part of Ahmadnagar were conquered during his time. But the conquest of Ahmadnagar could not be completed while Golkunda and Bijapur were untouched so far. Jahangir attempted to conquer them.

But Malik Ambar, the capable vazir of Ahmadnagar succeeded in checking the Mughul expansion towards further south. Malik Ambar was an Abyssinian. He was purchased by one person named Kasim Khwaja in the market of Baghdad. He brought him to India and sold him to Dabir Cenghiz Khan, vazir of Nizam Shah, ruler of Ahmadnagar.

He once left the service of Ahmadnagar and took up service in Bijapur but came back and took up service under Anaga Khan. When the Mughul prince Daniyal attacked Ahmadnagar, he and Malik Raju were deputed to harass him, the task which he carried on most successfully.

Malik Ambar, however, fought his first face to face battle with the Mughuls in 1601-1602 A.D. at Mander where he was seriously injured though escaped from death. But Malik Ambar could not cooperate with Malik Raju as he proved his contender to capture power and influence at the court of Ahmadnagar.

Therefore, he accepted the service of the Mughuls twice but realised that his future did not lie with them. In 1607 A.D., Nizam Shah put Malik Raju in the prison which cleared the way of Malik Ambar who finally went over to the side of Nizam Shah and was appointed vazir of Ahmadnagar.

Ahmadnagar got some respite during the period of revolt of Mughul prince. Khusrav. Malik Ambar utilised this time in bringing out civil and military reforms. He took lesson from the revenue reforms of Todar Mal.

While introducing revenue reforms, Malik Ambar kept three aims in mind, viz.:

(1) He desired the welfare of peasants;

Jahangir Alam Birthplace

(2) He aimed at greater production in agriculture, and

(3) He desired to increase the income of the state.

He abolished the farming-system with a view to achieve his aim. He introduced Ryotwari- system and, thus, the state came in direct contact with the peasants. He divided the land into different categories on the basis of produce. He fixed the revenue after measurement of land. The state-demand was fixed up between 2/5th to 1/3rd of the produce and payment in cash was preferred.

His economic reforms brought about increased prosperity to Ahmadnagar. Malik Ambar realised that it was not possible to get success against the Mughuls in direct fighting. Therefore, he adopted guerilla method of warfare against them which was effectively utilised by the Hindu rulers of Mewar and Bundelkhand and the tribal people of Afghanistan against the Mughuls.

He recruited the local Maratha people in the army for this purpose who were acquainted with the geographical situation of the area. He trained his guerillas in surprise attacks, stopping of the supplies to the enemy, methods of ambushing them, avoiding pitched battles, etc.

He changed the capital several times for the purpose of safety. First, he shifted the capital from Parendra to Junar, then shifted it to Daultabad and, finally, to Khirkee which was quite safe because of its geographical location.

Malik Ambar established trade relations with Persia and formed the base of his navy at Janjira, nearly twenty miles away from Rajgarh. He recruited the Arab-Sidis (Sayyids) of Abyssinia in his navy and strengthened it with their help. These Sidis became naval experts and afterwards challenged the Marathas and European natives on the sea.

Thus, Malik strengthened Ahmadnagar in all respects to face Mughul aggrandizement. Therefore, it has been rightly commented about him that- “In warfare, in command, in sound judgement and administrative skill he had no rival or equal.”

The primary aim of Malik Ambar was to check further aggression of the Mughuls on the territory of Ahmadnagar and he succeeded in his attempts. His success saved the rest of the south India as well from the onslaughts of the Mughuls during the reign of Jahangir. The attack of the Mughuls under Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khana in 1608 A.D. failed.

In 1610 A.D. Jahangir despatched a large force under the command of prince Parwez and Asaf Khan to invade Ahmadnagar but before its arrival Malik Ambar forced Khan-i-Khana to retreat to Burhanpur and sign a peace treaty. He also occupied the fort of Ahmadnagar in 1610 A.D. Khan-i-Khana was recalled by Jahangir and Khan-i-Jahan was deputed to command the army of the Deccan.

In 1611 A.D., the Mughuls made a serious attempt to conquer Ahmadnagar. A two-front attack was made on it. While Khan-i-Jahan and Raja Man Singh proceeded from towards Berar and Khandesh, Abdulla Khan marched ahead from Nasik. The two invading armies had to join together at Daultabad. Abdulla Khan, however, committed a blunder.

In order to gain the credit of success all alone he did not wait for the other Mughul army and reached Daultabad. He had to suffer for this mistake. The army of Ahmadnagar attacked him and he was forced to withdraw towards Gujarat. Therefore, the attack of the Mughuls failed. Jahangir called back Khan-i-Jahan from the Deccan and sent Khan-i-Khana again there in 1612 A.D.

After that the Mughuls remained busy for some time in the war against Mewar. The time was utilized by Malik Ambar in consolidating the position of Ahmadnagar. Therefore, Khan-i-Khana failed to gain any notable success against him.

In 1615 A.D., the Mughuls defeated a combined army of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golkunda near Rosangaon but failed to gain any useful results because of the differences between prince Parwez and Khan-i- Khana.

Malik Ambar soon started raids on the Mughul territory. When peace was made with Mewar, Jahangir bestowed the title of Shah on prince Khurram and despatched him to the Deccan with a large force in 1616 A.D. He himself reached Mandu in 1617 A.D. to overawe the enemy. Khan-i-Khana also behaved diplomatically and bribed certain officers of Ahmadnagar.

The ruler of Bijapur acted as a mediator and efforts were made for a treaty between the Mughuls and Ahmadnagar. In 1617, the treaty was signed. The territory of Balaghat and some forts including that of Ahmadnagar were surrendered to the Mughuls by Ahmadnagar and the ruler of Bijapur gave costly presents to prince Khurram.

Khurram was given the title of Shah Jahan by Jahangir at this occasion. But the success of the Mughuls was in name only. In fact, there was no gain of territory or any increase of influence of the Mughuls in the Deccan. Dr R.P. Tripathi has remarked- “It advanced the Mughul power no further than it had stood when Akbar left the Deccan.”

Malik Ambar did not fulfill the terms of the treaty. He entered into an agreement with the states of Bijapur and Golkunda and besieged the fort of Ahmadnagar in 1620 A.D. He also conquered Berar and its neighbouring territory. Jahangir again deputed Shah Jahan to the campaign of the Deccan.

He conquered Khirki, sent help to the Mughuls who were besieged there and put pressure on Daultabad. Malik Ambar agreed for peace and a treaty was signed in 1621 A.D. Ahmadnagar surrendered not only all that territory which it had captured from the Mughuls after the settlement in 1617 A.D. but further territory of its own yielding rupees fourteen lakhs a year of revenue. It also paid rupees eighteen lakhs cash to the Mughuls. Bijapur also paid rupees twelve lakhs and Golkunda rupees twenty lakhs to the Mughuls.

Thus, the Deccan campaign ended in 1621 A.D. Jahangir could pay no more attention towards the Deccan because of the revolts of Shah Jahan and Mahabat Khan.

The campaigns of the Mughuls in the Deccan during the reign of Jahangir, in fact, brought not much territorial gain though, of course, pressure on the states of south India increased. No state of the south was prepared to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Mughuls. Malik Ambar died in 1626 A.D. yet, the position of the Mughuls did not improve. Then, in 1627 A.D. Jahangir also died.

3. Kangra:

Kangra valley is situated in the north-east of Punjab. The fort at Kangra was a strongly built fort on a high hill. The first attempt to conquer this fort was made by Hasan Quli Khan, governor of Punjab during the reign of Akbar. Next in 1620 A.D., Raja Vikramajit besieged that under the leadership of prince Khurram. This time it was taken over by the Mughuls after a siege of four months.

4. Other Conquests:

In 1611 A.D., Kalyan Mal, son of Raja Todar Mal, conquered Kharda (Orissa) from king Purshottam Das. The king gave his daughter also to Jahangir in marriage. In 1615 A.D., Ibrahim Khan conquered Khokhar (Bihar) from Raja Durjan Sal and the diamond-mines of that place were taken over by the Mughul emperor.

In 1617 A.D., Raja Purshottam Das revolted. He was defeated and his kingdom was annexed by the Mughuls. In 1620 A.D., the state of Kistwar, situated in the south of Kashmir, was conquered by the Mughuls. In 1613 A.D., Kamrup in the north-west boundary of India was conquered.

Thus, attempt was made to extend the boundary of the Mughul empire during the reign of Jahangir. Certainly, some minor conquests were made but the attempt to conquer the South failed. The most remarkable event of the reign of Jahangir, therefore, was the peace treaty with Mewar.

Kandhar:

The Mughul empire suffered a serious loss during the reign of Jahangir. It lost Kandhar to Persia. Shah Abbas, the ruler of Persia desired to conquer Kandhar from the very beginning of the reign of Jahangir. He instigated some Amirs in the vicinity of Kandhar to attack Kandhar and they besieged it in 1606 A.D. during the time when prince Khusrav revolted against Jahangir.

The Mughul governor Shah Beg Khan faced the besiegers boldly and when the help reached from Delhi in the beginning of 1607 A.D., the Persians withdrew. Shah Abbas expressed his regrets to Jahangir, blamed his nobles for their foolish act and extended the hand of friendship to him. Thereafter, he moved diplomatically, sent his ambassadors with costly presents and messages of friendship at the court of Jahangir in the years 1611, 1615, 1616 and 1620 A.D. respectively.

That made Jahangir a little careless towards the defence of Kandhar. In 1621 A.D. Persia attacked Kandhar and conquered it in early 1622 A.D. The Mughul help failed to reach for the defence of Kandhar because of the revolt of Shah Jahan. Thus, a valuable fort at the frontier of the Mughul empire was lost during the reign of Jahangir.

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The Death of Jahangir:

Jahangirnama

Right from 1620 A.D., Jahangir was losing his health. Frequent visits to the valley of Kashmir also failed to bring about any desired effect. He visited Kashmir again in March 1627 A.D. There he fell ill and proceeded back to Lahore. On the way, he died near Bhimbar on 7 November 1627 A.D. He was buried in Lahore where Nur Jahan erected a beautiful mausoleum on his grave.

The Character of Jahangir and His Place in History:

Historians have expressed contradictory opinions regarding the character of Jahangir. While the European scholars have described him as a pleasure-seeker and a failure, the Indian historians have described him as a just and kind ruler. Describing the character of Jahangir, V.A. Smith wrote- “A strange compound of tenderness and cruelty, justice and caprice, refinement and brutality, good sense and childish.”

Lane-Poole criticised weaknesses of his character in his early life but made him free from most of them during later period of his life. Elphinstone praised his earlier measures as a ruler. The European scholars, thus, mostly judged the personality of Jahangir from his personal character.

But, this is not sufficient to pass judgement on him as a ruler. It is better if we probe the fact as to how much the weakness of his character affected his administration adversely. Then alone we can judge the personality of Jahangir as a ruler fairly.

Jahangir was a fairly obedient son, a lovable father, a good relative and an affectionate friend. He certainly revolted against his father but it was more due to his intention to behave as an independent individual rather than the desire to capture the throne. Jahangir possessed one more weakness. He was easily influenced by his close relatives. His revolt against his father was also more due to their evil influence than his personal ambitions.

His same weakness was responsible for his handing over the reins of government in the hands of his beloved queen, Nur Jahan. We find that though he rose in revolt against his father, but quickly submitted to him and apologised for his mistake gladly.

The same way, though he allowed Nur Jahan to share the power of the state with him due to his love for her, he did not permit her to dominate over him so far as the principles of foreign and domestic policy were concerned.

He did not allow anybody else to interfere in administration due to her influence. Jahangir exhibited due respect to his father after his death and whenever he visited his mausoleum he walked there barefoot. Jahangir respected all his wives. When his first wife Man Bai died he did not even touch water and food for several days.

When his son Khusrav revolted against him the first time he pardoned him and when he revolted the second time he simply blinded him and, afterwards, even arranged for his treatment. He was kind to all his other sons and gave them ranks and respect according to their capabilities.

He gave suitable assignments to all his friends and loyal officers. Jahangir was, of course, an addict to wine. But he was not a libertine. His relations with women were normal and according to the conditions of his age.

Rather, he was more lovable to his wives as compared to other contemporary rulers. The other defect from which Jahangir suffered as a person was that he was ease-loving. Therefore, like other great Mughul rulers, he did not command his army in person.

Jahangir was a well-educated and cultured person. He had good command over Persian and Turki language and was well-versed in other languages as well like Hindi and Arabic. He wrote his autobiography entitled Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri himself for seventeen years and, later on, got it prepared by others under his personal guidance.

Of course, the memoirs of Jahangir do not deserve comparison with the memoirs of Babur, yet, these are fairly good and prove that Jahangir was well-versed in Persian language. Jahangir, therein, has described not only the events of his life but also the places, people, natural beauty particularly that of Kashmir, etc. The description is fairly creditable and proves that Jahangir had not only varied interests but also knowledge of different subjects and fine arts.

Jahangirnama In Hindi Pdf

Jahangir was a patron of scholars and artists which resulted in progress in different fields of literature and fine arts. He always passed his Friday’s evening in the company of scholars. Niyamtulla, Nazib Khan and Abdul Haq Dhelvi were among many scholars of his age who received patronage from him. Jahangir was keenly interested in painting which reached its zenith of progress during his time.

He himself possessed good knowledge of painting and boasted that when any work was presented before him he could name the artists and if any work was produced by many artists he would name the different artists who had prepared different parts of that work. Jahangir was interested in architecture as well.

The mausoleum of Akbar at Sikandra near Agra was constructed by him and it is one among the beautiful buildings erected by the Mughul emperors. The mosque in Lahore which was constructed during his time has been compared with the Jami Masjid constructed by Shah Jahan in Delhi.

One of the fairest buildings constructed during his reign is the tomb of Itimad-ud-daula near Agra which was constructed by Nur Jahan. Jahangir laid out many beautiful gardens in Kashmir and Lahore. He beautified his coins. He was fond of good dresses and brought about improvement in them.

Jahangir was well-trained in arms and was an expert rider. But he was not prepared to undergo hardships of battlefield. He was not a capable commander as well. He did not participate in any major battle during the reign of his father and during his own reign all important battles were fought either under the command of his son Shah Jahan or under other talented officers. Jahangir neither tried to improve the military system which he inherited from his father nor increased the fighting strength of his army in any way.

As regards religious beliefs and policy, Jahangir stands midway between his father, Akbar and his son, Shah Jahan. He believed in God and normally pursued the basic principles of Islam. But he was not deeply religious. He did not pursue even the principles of Islam fanatically.

He came in contact with men of all religious faiths and, thereby, became fairly liberal in religious affairs. Jahangir believed in the unity of God and therefore, pursued a liberal religious policy towards all religions. The policy which was enunciated by his father, Akbar regarding religious affairs was pursued by Jahangir as well.

All people of different faiths received equal protection and facilities from the state during his reign. The Hindus were not asked to pay any separate tax and were employed in the services of the state on merit. Jahangir came in close contact with Christian missionaries and even employed them as tutors of his grandsons.

However some events during his reign justify that he sometimes showed marked favour to Islam. He punished the Hindus of Rajouri (in the state of Kashmir) simply because a few of them had married Muslim girls and converted them to Hinduism.

There are some other examples also, viz., when he conquered the fort of Kangra he celebrated his victory by killing a cow; he threw away the images of Hindu gods of the temple of Varah in a nearby pond; when he fought against the Portuguese, all Christian churches were closed; he punished the Sikh Guru Arjun most probably because of the religious beliefs; and, once he ordered all followers of Jainism to leave Gujarat because he felt dissatisfied with them.

But all these events happened in moments of rage and in certain particular circumstances. Guru Arjun was punished not only because of his religious beliefs but also because he was magnanimous towards the rebel prince, Khusrav. Jahangir, otherwise, did not interfere in the religious practices of the Sikhs. The same way, he was enraged with the Jains because he felt that they had interfered in politics.

Jahangir punished even Muslim preachers like Shaikh Rahim, Qazi Nurullah and Shaikh Ahmad Sarhindi because he felt unhappy with their behaviour. It justifies that when he acted against the followers of any particular faith he was motivated more by political or other considerations than by religious ones.

Jahangir Mughal Emperor

Normally, Jahangir was liberal to all religious faiths. He came in contact with all of them, more particularly, with Hinduism. He used to participate in religious fairs and festivals of the Hindus. Thus Jahangir, with a slight diversion, pursued the religious policy enunciated by his father, Akbar.

Jahangir was a fairly successful ruler and administrator. He successfully maintained the administrative structure set up by Akbar. Jahangir was also a good judge of circumstances. His reign of twenty-two years remained mostly successful. Jahangir desired the welfare of his subjects and attempted for it. The peasants were well-off during his reign.

They were not burdened by heavy taxes and if damage was done to their crops by the state it was made up on behalf of the Emperor. Trade, commerce and industry also flourished during the reign of Jahangir. Jahangir tried to check certain social evils like drinking and gambling.

However, the greatest virtue of Jahangir was his love for justice. Dispensation of justice was regarded one of the primary duties of medieval rulers. Jahangir received praise from all quarters in performance of this duty as an Emperor. He regarded dispensation of justice to his subjects as service to God. The Emperor alone could impose penalty of death on an individual and the order was carried out after waiting till evening.

Jahangir, thus, can be accepted as a good ruler. Dr Ishwari Prasad writes:

“Jahangir is one of the most interesting figures in Mughul history. The ordinary view that he was a sensual pleasure-seeker and a callous tyrant does less than justice. All accounts agree that he was intelligent, shrewd, and capable of understanding the most complex problems of the state without any difficulty. . . There is much in his character that deserves to be condemned, but there is a great deal that entitles him to be placed among the most fascinating personalities of Indian history.”

Dr Beni Prasad is still more liberal when he assesses the achievements of his reign. He says- “Jahangir’s reign, on the whole, was fruitful of peace and prosperity to the empire. Under its auspices, industry and commerce progressed; architecture achieved notable triumphs; painting reached its high water mark; literature flourished as it had never done before; Tulsidas composed the Ramayan; and, a host of remarkable Persian and vernacular poets all over the country combined to make the period the Augustan age of medieval Indian literature. The political side of Jahangir’s history is interesting enough but its virtue lies in cultural development.”

Jahangir, certainly, can be regarded as one among the great Mughul emperors. We do not accept him as a capable commander, shrewd politician or even an intelligent administrator. Yet, it is accepted that he was a just, liberal and successful ruler who maintained the integrity of the empire which he inherited from his father and looked after the welfare of his subjects successfully.

The personality of Jahangir appears to be weak because he is fixed up between the grand personality of the great Mughul Emperor Akbar and the grandeur of his son, Shah Jahan.

With all his personal weaknesses, Jahangir remained a successful ruler. Kandhar was lost to the Mughuls during his reign because of the revolt of Shah Jahan. The revolt of Shah Jahan was certainly due to the ambitions of the prince himself and the revolt of Mahabat Khan was the off-shoot of Shah Jahan’s revolt. Besides these, for which Jahangir alone was not to be blamed, his reign remained that of peace, progress and prosperity.